The death of Robert Gabriel Mugabe (95) saw another of the first-generation leaders of newly independent southern African states leave the world stage.<\/p>\n
Southern Africa was the last region on the continent to obtain majority rule. The independence of Zimbabwe (1980), Namibia (1990) and democracy in South Africa (1994) ended white settler minority regimes. They were replaced in power by liberation movements. The Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu, later Zanu-PF), the South West African People\u2019s Organisation (Swapo) and the African National Congress (ANC) have been in government since then.<\/p>\n
Mugabe\u2019s death invites a look at the succession \u2013 or lack of \u2013 in these three countries.<\/p>\n
Despite the cultivation of heroic narratives and patriotic history, the first-generation freedom fighters who took over the state offices are not immortal. Mugabe\u2019s male-dominated leadership structures based on liberation struggle credentials remain entrenched.<\/p>\n
In all three countries a second struggle generation is gradually entering the higher echelons of party and state. But the \u201cborn free\u201d \u2013 people who were born after liberation \u2013 as well as women have hardly made significant inroads into the meritocratic, male-dominated core structures of power.<\/p>\n
The question is how much longer the \u201cold men syndrome\u201d will remain alive and kicking in the three countries, despite growing frustration among the politically powerless.<\/p>\n
Zimbabwe
\nCelebrated by many as an icon of the anti-colonial struggle, Mugabe was nevertheless an autocratic ruler who overstayed his time in office. The military finally replaced him with his longtime confidante Emmerson Mnangagwa in a soft coup in November 2017.<\/p>\n
Mnangagwa\u2019s sidelining was initiated by Mugabe\u2019s younger wife Grace (born in 1965, she was 40 years his junior) to hijack the succession of her husband. She led a group of Zanu-PF members, dubbed the G40 (for Generation 40). The name referred to a constitutional clause that everyone above the age of 40 qualified as a presidential candidate. But, the military and security apparatus and its leadership was still firmly rooted in the struggle generation and opted for \u201cTeam Lacoste\u201d named after \u201cthe Crocodile\u201d, which is Mnangagwa\u2019s nickname.<\/p>\n
This ended the political careers of the G40. So far, the \u201celders\u201d remain in charge and in firm control.<\/p>\n
Morgan Tsvangirai (born 1952) founded the Movement for Democratic Change-Tsvangirai in 1999. The opposition party has been denied electoral victory several times since 2002.<\/p>\n
After Tsvangirai\u2019s death earlier this year the much younger Nelson Chamisa (born in 1978) won the internal party power struggle. He challenged Mnangagwa in the elections in July last year.<\/p>\n
Thanks mainly to rural area results, Zanu-PF recorded a landslide victory in the parliamentary elections. Mnangagwa also secured a (disputed) and much more narrow first term in office as elected head of state.<\/p>\n
This is partly due to a continued stricter social control in rural areas. Political interaction and activities in villages can be much more easily monitored than in urban areas. But it also suggests that traditional values \u2013 such as respect for elders \u2013 remain alive. This gives the generation in power a comparative advantage over younger competitors.<\/p>\n
Similar generational constellations also benefited the governing parties in Namibia and South Africa.<\/p>\n
Namibia
\nNamibia has had three state presidents since independence in 1990. Sam Nujoma, co-founder of Swapo in 1960, was its president until 2007 and the country\u2019s first head of state for three terms until 2005. In May he celebrated his 90th birthday in seemingly good health. Though he remains influential, he has been less visible lately.<\/p>\n
In a heavy-handed inner-party battle he ensured that his crown prince Hifikepunye Pohamba (born 1936) followed for two terms. Pohamba was succeeded by Namibia\u2019s first Prime Minister Hage Geingob (born 1941).<\/p>\n
After a clash with Nujoma, Geingob left Namibia to head the Global Coalition for Africa in Washington. Returning to Namibia\u2019s parliament, he made a comeback under Pohamba. Reappointed as Prime Minister in 2012, he became state president in 2015 and party leader in 2017.<\/p>\n
Geingob is tipped to be reelected as head of state for another five-year term in the next presidential and parliamentary elections in November. His current Vice President Nangolo Mbumba is the same age. In the Swapo electoral college on 7 September he secured another top ranking on the party\u2019s candidate list for the National Assembly and will remain in the inner circle of \u201cTeam Hage\u201d.<\/p>\n
Five years ago the delegates, in a surprise move, ousted some of the old party cadres. But the elders remained dominant in cabinet. This time the expected further generational shift did not happen.<\/p>\n
Party president Geingob could also fill ten secure seats on the electoral list and brought some of those seniors back, who did not make the cut. As the head of state he can appoint another eight non-voting members to parliament. This will allow him to retain several more of the trusted old cadres.<\/p>\n
Despite this, Namibia\u2019s second struggle generation (those who went into exile in the mid-1970s) is gradually taking over.<\/p>\n
South Africa
\nNelson Mandela,(1918-2013) served only one term as state president. His successors Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma (both born 1942) were recalled by the ANC and did not survive the full two terms in office.<\/p>\n
Zuma was succeeded by Cyril Ramaphosa. Born in 1952, he is ten years younger than his predecessor.<\/p>\n
Inter-generational tensions have begun to show in South Africa. In the latest national elections young South Africans, or \u201cborn frees\u201d, showed their disdain for the ANC\u2019s old guard and agenda by staying away from the polls as a form of protest.<\/p>\n
This younger generation has shown its frustration with the limits to liberation. Many dismiss formal politics. Their preference is to engage in social movements or other parties.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
The death of Robert Gabriel Mugabe (95) saw another of the first-generation leaders of newly independent southern African states leave the world stage. Southern Africa was the last region on the continent to obtain majority rule. The independence of Zimbabwe (1980), Namibia (1990) and democracy in South Africa (1994) ended white settler minority regimes. They […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":84,"featured_media":12431,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3,7],"tags":[38,812,30,332],"class_list":{"0":"post-13679","1":"post","2":"type-post","3":"status-publish","4":"format-standard","5":"has-post-thumbnail","7":"category-all-news","8":"category-files","9":"tag-zanu-pf","10":"tag-mugabes-burial","11":"tag-robert-mugabe","12":"tag-south-africa"},"yoast_head":"\n